Review of Steve Rattner's "Overhaul" on Auto Industry Bailout.

Posted on June 8, 2015 by billmanzi

Overhaul: An Insider's Account of the Obama Administration's Emergency Rescue of the Auto IndustryOverhaul: An Insider’s Account of the Obama Administration’s Emergency Rescue of the Auto Industry by Steven Rattner
My rating: 4 of 5 stars

A very good accounting of the events surrounding the U.S. Government bailout of the American auto industry. Rattner did not pull very many punches in his analysis of the problems facing the auto industry or of the individuals involved in the massive restructuring that saved G.M. and Chrysler. Rattner gave out some pretty harsh criticism of auto industry executives as well as some notable politicians, and the criticism, from my perspective, was fair and deserved. The condition of General Motors, and the absolute blindness of top executives to the management rot that brought an American manufacturing giant to the cusp of ruin, is highlighted through this book. Lots of money being paid to top managers at G.M. for negative results. Rattner goes through some of the details, including the fate of bondholders and the terms ultimately accepted by the U.A.W. , two of the areas where the results of the restructuring have come in for the most criticism. His defense of those terms is spirited, and takes into account Rattner’s fundamental understanding of what could be achieved politically with the UAW. Rattner couples his criticism of the auto industry with a fairly harsh attack on Congress, and that criticism is bi-partisan. He shows the hypocrisy on both sides of the aisle, but points at Congress as an institution:
“The auto rescue succeeded in no small part because we did not have to deal with Congress. Before taking up my post, I didn’t realize how important this would be. I went to Washington thinking I understood the strengths and weaknesses of our legislative branch. Either I’d been hopelessly naive when I’d covered Congress as a reporter or it had changed for the worse. I was stunned to realize that if the task force had not been able to operate under the aegis of TARP, we would have been subject to endless congressional posturing, deliberating, bickering, and micromanagement, in the midst of which one or more of the troubled companies under our care would have gone bankrupt. Congress yields authority only under the direst of circumstances, as the example of TARP shows.”
Spoken like a true executive! But despite Rattner’s pro-executive bias his estimations of Congressional preening and ego driven meddling ring true. Legislative bodies tend to be alike in many ways. Congress is at the top of the food chain in terms of the very worst tendencies of legislative bodies to ignore substance in favor of uninformed politics.
Rattner, for a guy with $200 million in the bank, makes it a point to highlight all the times he picked up a dinner or lunch tab. But his personal parsimony does not take away from what is a pretty good book. This issue, if handled differently by Mitt Romney, who comes from a family that ran American Motors, might have tipped the 2012 election in a different direction. At the end of the day the decision to save the U.S. Auto industry was indeed the correct course of action. Rattner helps us to understand the details that went into that decision.

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Henry Kissinger "White House Years" is Reviewed

Posted on April 26, 2015 by billmanzi

The White House YearsThe White House Years by Henry Kissinger
My rating: 5 of 5 stars

This book, due to length and level of detail, will not be for everyone. But it is a vitally important work for those who want to understand some of the critical foreign policy events in American history. This book deals with Kissinger’s tenure as Richard Nixon’s National Security Advisor from 1969-1972, and is the first volume of his memoirs. An astounding amount of history is compressed into that time period, including the Nixon opening to China, the intractable problems of the Middle East, with special focus on the triangular diplomacy involving the Soviet Union, Egypt, and the United States, the war in Vietnam, and the exceedingly tortured negotiations to end that war, (with a good look at the Nixon decisions on the excursion into Cambodia, the “Christmas Bombing”, and the self described “brutal” treatment of the recalcitrant South Vietnamese as agreement neared), and the Indo-Pakistan war, and the “tilt” towards Pakistan. Any one of those items would be a book in itself, and the fact that Kissinger not only kept all of those balls in the air but manages, through this volume, to show how they were all “connected” is a testament to his brilliance. Dr. Kissinger has many detractors, and Nixon Administration policies, especially with regard to Vietnam, have drawn severe criticism over the years. Kissinger takes those critics on directly, and makes some strong and compelling arguments to justify his policy recommendations. Vietnam was a tragic error for the United States, but Kissinger brings an up close perspective to why many of the important players acted the way they did.
Kissinger’s devotion to the “realist” school of diplomacy is evident through his actions and policy prescriptions described in this volume. His hard headed and “realistic” approach to bargaining are laid out clearly in his approach to the negotiations with North Vietnam, where he recognized that an unfavorable “balance of forces” on the ground would lead to an unsatisfactory outcome from the perspective of the U.S. His devotion to “equilibrium” govern his negotiations on SALT, and advise his relationship and policy recommendations with the Soviets.
For the historian this book is essential. Kissinger dealt with some of the very true giants of this (or any other era), including Chou En-Lai, Indira Ghandi, Le Duc Tho, Leonid Breznhev, Andrei Gromyko, Mao Tse Tung, Moshe Dayan, Anwar Sadat, Golda Meir, and so many others. He seems to me to be exceedingly honest about his relationship with Richard Nixon, who he described as brooding, lonely, and filled with resentment towards so many. He, in my opinion, fairly describes some of the dysfunction of the foreign policy methodology of the first term Nixon Administration, and takes some of the blame onto himself. (The relationship with Secretary of State William Rodgers is a big part of this dysfunction) Kissinger is writing to make sure history records his perspective, but he does so in a way that brings valuable insight to a critical time in U.S. foreign policy, when change and bold steps produced much disruption in this arena. Love them or hate them the Nixon-Kissinger team shook US foreign policy and produced real change that impacts us to this very day. A must read for those who love history or foreign policy.

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Review of American Pharaoh: Mayor Richard J Daley

Posted on February 28, 2015 by billmanzi

American Pharaoh: Mayor Richard J. Daley - His Battle for Chicago and the NationAmerican Pharaoh: Mayor Richard J. Daley – His Battle for Chicago and the Nation by Adam Cohen
My rating: 5 of 5 stars

A masterpiece that not only serves as a biography of Richard Daley, but shows us how the City of Chicago came to be what it is today. There have been some serious power brokers that have served as Mayors in America, but Richard Daley, in terms of acquiring and holding power, must rank at the top of that group. The book is detailed, but for those looking to see how municipal government works this might not be the book for you. In Chicago if Daley wanted it done it was done. Not a lot of grass roots organizing involved in getting decisions made and executed. The book properly focuses on how Daley’s perch as Chair of the Cook County Democratic machine was just as valuable to him, in many respects, as the Mayors job, allowing him to exert control not only in Chicago, but across the entire State of Illinois. The Democratic Convention of 1968 is covered very well, and is a history that many of us are familiar with. What I learned beyond my prior understanding was how official and conscious government acts by Daley contributed to the segregated housing landscape that existed in Chicago at that time. He molded the City, and his vision did not include integration of housing. Daley, due to these policies, had to try to face down Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., who came to Chicago to bring the civil rights movement to the urban north. Daley did not choose to overtly resist, but chose tactics that obfuscated his goals, promised progress, but delivered little.

A fascinating book that should be read by all those interested in the acquiring and holding of power. Daley, from that perspective and on a smaller scale, rivaled LBJ as a power politician. The book honestly depicts some of the awful things he did, but does its best to give Daley some credit where it might have been due. Having just read the Tom Menino book I think it could be fairly said that Daley predated Menino in putting forward malapropisms. A couple of great ones: “Gentlemen, get this thing straight once and for all. The policeman isn’t there to create disorder. The policeman is there to preserve disorder.”
“Today the real problem is the future.”

This book is highly recommended.

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Review: China 1945: Mao's Revolution and America's Fateful Choice

Posted on February 7, 2015 by billmanzi

China 1945: Mao's Revolution and America's Fateful ChoiceChina 1945: Mao’s Revolution and America’s Fateful Choice by Richard Bernstein
My rating: 4 of 5 stars

A scholarly look at the U.S. policies in China prior to the ultimate takeover by the Chinese Communist Party. The old political battle about “who lost China” brought much chaos and fear into U.S. policy making in the years after the success of Mao. Bernstein covers the foibles of U.S. policy in China, but does so without attempting to push forward a political agenda on the “Who lost China” question. He actually writes a book that manages to look at facts objectively, a rarity in today’s world of ideological polemics. This approach has Bernstein frankly pointing to the ridiculous policies brought by FDR Ambassador Patrick Hurley, who became known for arriving on a scene and emitting a loud Choctaw war whoop, including once when he arrived to meet Mao. Hurley can be considered to be the father of the position that “disloyal” State Department China hands caused Chiang Kai-shek to lose the Chinese civil war. Hurley being over his head, and his inherent limitations, are pointed out forcefully. But Bernstein does not give a free ride to those very same China hands, pointing out that while there may have been a bit more substance to their positions (vis a vis Hurley) ultimately they were, to a large degree, taken in by Mao. “In subsequent years, many of the China analysts admitted that the view they had of this matter during the war was tinged with more than a bit of wishful thinking. “I obviously underestimated the commitment of the Chinese Communist ruling party at that time to ideology and the dexterity with which Mao and company manipulated it,” Davies was to write. “As I see it now, in the clear light of hindsight,” David Barrett confessed in 1969, when Mao’s China was engulfed in the vast purge known as the Cultural Revolution, shouting venomous epithets at the United States, “the mistake I made in 1944 was in not considering the Chinese Communists as enemies of the United States.”
The complexity of decisions, with the U.S. looking first to defeat the Japanese and not at the postwar ramifications for China, are laid out in clear and understandable terms. Bernstein lays out what I consider to be larger truths that extend beyond U.S. policy making in China during this period. We will see some of the same mistakes in later years, in Indo-China and elsewhere.
“Drumright’s stance was typical of much policy thinking in the American government then and later. The power realities of a situation, even when understood, tended to be subordinated to what “ought to be done,” what should be done because of precedents, commitments, moral compulsions, sentiment, and that great catchall, “national security.” The factor of cost of a policy was thus often slighted.”
Yes he most certainly is very perceptive in that observation. Bernstein also gives us a fair and balanced view of Chiang Kai-shek, pointing to his personal weaknesses, but also correctly highlighting the systemic limitations that Chiang operated under. For Chiang had to make decisions that, in the longer term, doomed his ultimate chances of survival, but in the shorter term were unavoidable. Bernstein is hard-headed and realistic in his evaluation of Chairman Mao, always offering a glimpse at the alternatives available, but ultimately judging him to be both a hard core revolutionary and committed acolyte of Josef Stalin. He looks at the Yalta Agreement, and points out how Stalin used the U.S. desire to have him enter the war against Japan to secure Manchuria, and tilt the ultimate balance of forces in favor of Mao, and against Chiang.
A book that is worth a read for those folks looking for a factually based evaluation of U.S. policy that actually looks at both sides of an argument, a rarity in this day and age. Bernstein has done an outstanding job.

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Review of Tom Menino's Mayor for a New America

Posted on January 12, 2015 by billmanzi

Mayor for a New AmericaMayor for a New America by Thomas Menino
My rating: 3 of 5 stars

A good book that is surprisingly candid in many areas. Tom Menino was a true Mayor, and has left us a book with interesting stories, and some sound advice for those looking to become a Mayor, or for those who are already serving. I enjoyed very much his candor, including his thoughts on the real way he exercised political control, his answer to those who said he was a micro-manager, and the standards he expected from those that worked for him. His explanation of how he would (and did) have no qualms about cashiering a BRA Director who actually believed that the position was “independent” of the Mayor was priceless. His thoughts on incrementalism, and that change cannot get too far out in front of your constituency, were valuable as well. The Mayor was not afraid to put some wood on those that he felt deserved it, including John Kerry, who he shredded.

Mayor Menino served for so long because of his fundamental understanding of what it is that the citizens of Boston are looking for from local government. His critics claimed he had a “lack of vision”, but I submit that he knew what kind of change was truly possible, and what the people of Boston really thought was important. Unlike those broad brush “visionaries” who could not manage a three car parade Tom Menino kept Boston financially sound, and grew it to be a world class City. Like all of us he was not perfect, but on balance I think history will show him to have been a remarkable leader, and a Mayor for a New America.

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Nixonland- Master of Division.

Posted on January 4, 2015 by billmanzi

Nixonland: America's Second Civil War and the Divisive Legacy of Richard Nixon 1965-72Nixonland: America’s Second Civil War and the Divisive Legacy of Richard Nixon 1965-72 by Rick Perlstein
My rating: 4 of 5 stars

Perlstein brings us back to Nixonland, and it is not a pretty picture. I had read the earlier book “Before the Storm” by Perlstein, and “Nixonland” brings us from Goldwater to Nixon, positing that Nixon planted the seeds that grew into the current huge divide in American political life. Perlstein had shown us the the rise of the right wing dominance of GOP politics in “Before the Storm”and the comfort that the American left took in the drubbing of Barry Goldwater by LBJ in 1964. Despite Perlstein coming from the left he shows how that “comfort” on the left after the LBJ landslide masked the deep divide that was about to become evident in American political life. And Perlstein is not afraid to show how the left so badly misunderstood some of the currents running through the country that brought us the Presidency of Richard Nixon.

This book is not a biography of Richard Nixon but rather a snapshot of a crazy time in American life and politics. It is very detailed, and covers lots of ground. We see how Richard Nixon began his comeback from the political abyss, doing the nitty gritty of hard work in the 1966 mid-terms, traveling the country for the GOP, and being in a position to take some credit (and gather some chits) for a gain of 47 Republican seats in the House, and 3 in the US Senate. Perlstein shows how the Republicans (and Nixon in particular) came to exploit the deep divide over Vietnam as well as the fears and prejudices of race in America. Race divisions are a large part of this book, and I think Perlstein is on mark there. I have read some reviews of the book that claim Perlstein has overstated the impact of this era and Nixon on our current divisions. On race I would have to disagree with that assessment. With the Democratic Party embracing Civil Rights, and Democratic majorities (driven by LBJ and the Movement itself) in Congress enacting major legislation and leaving behind its segregationist (racist) wing Nixon and the GOP saw opportunity and votes in the South, which brought us the Nixon “Southern Strategy”, frankly embracing the racist element and trying to dress it up as a “states right” movement. That determination by Nixon and the GOP drove African-Americans to the Democratic Party, and has led to a GOP dominance with white voters, especially white males. I would have to say that Perlstein has that part of Nixon’s legacy exactly right.

Perlstein does have plenty of criticism of the left as well. We see how the outrages of 1968, where Hubert Humphrey won the Democratic nomination without winning a primary, led to the reforms of 1972, which badly split the Democratic Party. Perlstein shows Nixon (“the Master”) not only ruthlessly exploiting these divisions but through a myriad of dirty tricks helping to create them. (Yes we get another look at Donald Segretti and Dwight Chapin). We get another look at the Democratic Convention of 1968 in Chicago, and how the Yippies and assorted other youth groups created street chaos, and how that chaos was exploited by Nixon. That street violence and the divide between police and demonstrators brought the type of divisions we are seeing today, with Nixon appealing to the “Silent Majority” against “scrubby and dirty” demonstrators.”And let me also say, ladies and gentlemen, I can assure them that they are a very loud minority in this country, but they are a minority, and it’s time for the majority to stand up and be counted.” Nixon, responding to demonstrators at a campaign stop. Seems to have some applicability today.

Watergate of course leads us to the end of Nixon’s Presidency, but for me the biggest indictment Perlstein makes is relative to Nixon’s conduct (as a candidate) in undercutting the LBJ opportunity to make gains in peace talks with North Vietnam, and the utter mess that became Nixon’s Vietnam policy (as President), colored by cynical political calculation and a willingness to be absolutely brutal in his conduct of the war.

I must concur with the evaluation of Richard Nixon, love him or hate him, as one of the most influential Presidents of the 20th Century. This book does not paint RMN in a very positive light, but I think it hits the mark much of the time. On “the more things change the more they stay the same” front Perlstein highlights a Nixon ad attacking the George McGovern proposal for a guaranteed income for every American: “According to an analysis by the Senate Finance Committee, the McGovern bill would make forty-seven percent of the people in the United States eligible for welfare.’ Slowly, angrily:’Forty-seven percent. Almost every other person in the country would be on welfare. The camera moves on the bustling, blaring street below- the 53 percent.” Maybe Mitt Romney read the book. The GOP playbook still has many pages written by “The Master”, Richard M. Nixon.

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First Aid Kit- Music from Krugman????

Posted on December 28, 2014 by billmanzi

Much to the chagrin of my more conservative friends I not only read Paul Krugman’s New York Times column but his blog as well. Krugman, on his blog, highlights some musical selections that he enjoys on Friday nights. I must say that one of those musical selections, from a group called “First Aid Kit”, piqued my interest. When listening to some radio over the holiday I heard them again, and I am hooked. A Swedish folk duo consisting of two sisters Johanna and Klara Söderberg, the music is entrancing. So will I now be accused of having socialistic musical tastes? Enjoy the music!

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Above the Fray- Dukakis on the 1988 Campaign

Posted on December 27, 2014 by billmanzi

The 1988 Presidential campaign keeps crossing my path lately. I finished reading “What it Takes” by Richard Ben Cramer, reviewed below, that was a terrific book about that campaign, looked at through the eyes of several of the candidates. NBC-Learn has just put out a great video that gives a view from Michael Dukakis himself. The Duke talks about several things that were central to the campaign, including the Dukakis campaign release to the media of the plagiarism charge against then Senator Biden (done through John Sasso, who lost his job with Dukakis over it), the return of Sasso during the general election campaign against George H.W. Bush, the Dukakis in the tank episode (which was omitted from the Cramer book), the Willie Horton furlough issue, and Dukakis talking about his debate response to the “rape of Kitty Dukakis” question. In todays busy world it is difficult to find the time to watch a 37 minute video but if you like politics this one is worth the watch.

One of the things that is crystal clear is that Michael Dukakis steps up repeatedly and points the finger of blame at himself for this loss. Throughout the film he identifies himself as the player making key decisions that he admits in retrospect were incorrect. He allows himself one small indulgence, when talking about the return of John Sasso to the campaign, which he said was “floundering” and needed Sasso’s expertise. But in the end Sasso “didn’t win the campaign for me”, which might be the only time the Duke expresses some doubt about the campaign team he assembled. Dukakis realizes that his determination to run a “clean” campaign, which had proved to be a successful formula in the primaries (with the Biden exception)just did not serve him well against the H.W. Bush onslaught of negativity.

The media masterminds for Bush were Roger Ailes and Lee Atwater, and they hit Dukakis with everything but the kitchen sink. The Duke does not express regret over the tank episode itself, pointing out that Bush had been photographed riding in a tank as well. But in the hands of Ailes and Atwater the image of Michael Dukakis riding around in a tank while George H.W. Bush is saying that “Dukakis has opposed every new weapons system since the slingshot” made Dukakis the object of ridicule. Dukakis acknowledges the impact of the ads, candidly admitting that he and his team were not prepared with the proper responses.

The one huge takeaway from this campaign was the impact of the Willie Horton ads, which Ailes and Atwater rolled out to tremendous effect. Dukakis accepts responsibility for the campaign non-response: “Shame on me for not effectively dealing with it. And I didn’t.” So much ugliness in that ad campaign by the Bush team, with the documentary showing Bryant Gumbel asking George H.W. Bush “Can you deny that the Willie Horton ad tapped a rather rich vein of American racism?”, and Bush denying any such thing. The Duke ruminates over some responses that might have been given, including comparisons of the Houston and Boston homicide rates, and the fact that the federal government (run by Reagan-Bush) actually had a prison furlough system. The Bush onslaught on this issue is detailed, showing some of the over the top campaign literature that was deployed by the GOP (“Dukakis to Rapist: ‘Have a Nice Weekend'”)

The early GOP attacks even tried to exploit rumors of Dukakis being in bad health, with President Reagan, at a press conference responding to a question on the release of medical records, saying “Look, I’m not going to pick on an invalid,” in reference to Dukakis. In response Dukakis challenged the press corps to a power walking exercise jaunt in Denver, which is highlighted. The Duke was in great shape.

The Dukakis failure to respond was borne out of an admittedly stubborn personality, and a self evaluation as a “different” type of politician.That self image, and his core conviction that people were looking for effective, competent government and not mudslinging, brought him the nomination, but failed him in the end. It also taught Bill Clinton an important lesson for 1992: rapid response to attacks must be made. The Clinton rapid response team (the war room) was a key component in his victory over George H.W. Bush in 1992.

Finally I think that Governor Dukakis is a thoughtful and exceedingly brilliant individual who should have had a larger role to play in national politics after his loss. I do believe he is a little bit too tough on himself relative to the campaign, but that points to his core decency. The Duke ran a clean shop, as Governor and as a candidate. I believe that served the public well, but it didn’t always help him. (See Duke I).

http://player.theplatform.com/p/7wvmTC/MSNBCEmbeddedOffSite?guid=n_hardball_dukakisdoc_141220

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Review of "Thirteen Days in September" by Lawrence Wright

Posted on December 14, 2014 by billmanzi

Thirteen Days in September: Carter, Begin, and Sadat at Camp DavidThirteen Days in September: Carter, Begin, and Sadat at Camp David by Lawrence Wright
My rating: 3 of 5 stars

A pretty good accounting of the Camp David Agreement forged by President Jimmy Carter. Lawrence Wright manages to weave in some history of the Arab-Israeli conflict to go along with the very good accounting he gives us of the Camp David summit. After the historical trip to Jerusalem by President Anwar Sadat of Egypt President Jimmy Carter undertook an effort to translate that trip into a tangible peace. Carter’s efforts led to the Camp David summit, where Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin and his team were essentially locked down with Sadat and his team for thirteen long days. Wright shows us what a difficult process that was, and how an accord was reached in spite of the vast gulf between the Israeli and Egyptian positions.

Sadat comes off as the greater risk taker for peace in this book, and I think Wright has given us a fair evaluation of the main players, their motivations, and especially their limitations. Sadat, a Vice President under Egyptian strongman Gamel Abdel Nasser, had always been underestimated by the international community until he made some rather stunning political and diplomatic moves that opened the eyes of that community. Wright gives us an overview of how the multiple wars between Egypt and Israel impacted the diplomatic views of the two delegations, and the real animus that existed between the parties. While Wright does engage in some psycho-analysis it is very apparent that the 1967 Six Day War, and the 1973 Yom Kippur War, launched by Sadat, left indelible marks on all of the participants, weighing heavily on them as they tried to bridge the enormous gulf that separated them.

Wright is less charitable towards the Israeli Prime Minister Begin, but I do believe he tries to treat the subject matter in an even handed way. We manage to catch glimpses (and some good history) of some of the very large names involved in this process. Vance, Brzezinski, Moshe Dayan, Ariel Sharon,Boutros Boutros-Ghali, and many others.

President Carter deserves much praise for his efforts. Without his determined resolve the Camp David process would have collapsed, as it very nearly did on several occasions. Carter was not perfect in this effort, but few are when dealing with the intractable issues that separate the parties in the Middle East. The Accord itself was rescued by Carter putting his and American prestige on the line at key times, making clear that American “friendship” and all that implies would be at risk to the party that ended the discussion without agreement. Carter used the Kissinger tactic of trying to bridge difficult issues with strategically imprecise language that could be construed different ways, and sold to domestic constituencies in ways that were less damaging politically. The notable failure was the inability to solve the “Palestinian” issue, essentially concentrating on an Israeli withdrawal from Sinai in return for a bilateral peace with Egypt. President Clinton ventured down that road in 2000 by bringing the Israelis and the Palestinians back to Camp David to try to hammer out a deal that would have addressed those issues punted by Carter, Begin and Sadat. The Clinton failure at the 2000 summit shows me how monumental Carter’s efforts were here.

Sadat ended up paying for his efforts by being assassinated by extremists opposed to his efforts. Carter lost his bid for re-election, and Begin continued on until he retired and became a recluse. I doubt whether any effort like this would even be possible anymore, as having the heads of three countries locked down for thirteen days likely could not happen. If you want a good accounting of a key part of the history of Israel and the Middle East I would recommend this book.

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Review of Richard Ben Cramer's "What it Takes"

Posted on December 6, 2014 by billmanzi

What It Takes: The Way to the White HouseWhat It Takes: The Way to the White House by Richard Ben Cramer
My rating: 5 of 5 stars

A tour de force by Richard Ben Cramer. At over a thousand pages this look at the 1988 Presidential campaign may seem daunting but if you are a fan of politics it is a must read. Even though the book was written some time ago I had not run across it until I started to look at the new Matt Bai book “All the Truth Is Out: The Week Politics Went Tabloid”. Bai heaped high praise on Cramer and the book, and highlighted a visit he had made to Cramer (now deceased) to talk about the subject matter for his prospective new book, which would focus on Gary Hart, and how his imploded candidacy changed the way politics is reported in this country. Bai called the Cramer book “…arguably the greatest and most ambitious work of political journalism in American history.” Bai was not wrong. When I looked it up on Amazon the Cramer book was selling for $3.99. I bought the Cramer book, and saved the Bai book for later.

Cramer looks at the 1988 Presidential race from the perspective of six candidates: Republicans Bob Dole and George HW Bush, and Democrats Richard Gephardt, Joe Biden, Gary Hart, and Michael Dukakis. The book offers so much more than reporting on the ins and outs of the campaigns. He gives readable and insightful biographical information on each candidate, carefully weaving his narrative together while dealing with six complex individuals and what had come to make them into the candidates they were. I was fascinated by all, but the Bob Dole story, with the horrific injuries he suffered serving in the military, and his ferocious will to overcome, was especially compelling. Cramer’s candidate backgrounds include some of each man’s electoral history, and how that political history had contributed to how they handled the race for the big prize. Being from Massachusetts I have to say that Cramer’s description of Michael Dukakis is spot on. The Dukakis “clean Mike” persona could not have been more accurate. Cramer’s insights on the Dukakis personality, and how that personality ultimately doomed his candidacy, from my perspective, is some of the best writing on Dukakis that I have ever read. Without being judgemental Cramer shows us the strengths, and flaws, of the individual candidates. Of course Cramer covers the Gary Hart candidacy, but not in the way that everyone else did. Like the Dukakis writing Cramer gives us so much more than a standard slash and burn on a flawed candidate. We have family perspective, and from that family perspective we get a real sense of what it was like to be under the media crush that the Hart revelations brought. It is truly extraordinary writing.

The 1988 election brought us President George H.W. Bush, and although the Bush name is still very much alive in American politics I see the 1988 election as the last one of an older era. Waiting right around the corner was Bill Clinton, and George W. Bush,ready to usher in a new era of politics. Without having read the Bai book I get the sense that he may feel that way too. I do not give five stars to very many books. This one, in my opinion, is right in there with the Caro masterpiece “The Power Broker” and his LBJ series. That is high praise, and richly deserved. Matt Bai had it right. if you love politics pick this book up and get a real sense of what it takes to run for President.

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